Top US States Trading with China: Measuring Exposure to the Trade War

An analysis of the top US states trading with China in 2024 shows where economic reliance on Chinese markets and goods is most concentrated across the country. The findings highlight significant variations in vulnerability to tariffs and export controls, as well as broader shifts in the bilateral relationship.

The US-China trade war, relaunched during Trump’s second term, has brought renewed attention to the extent of US reliance on Chinese goods and markets. The scale of US-China economic interdependence has created strong incentives on both sides to ease trade tensions, reflected in recent agreements to reduce tariff levels following the meeting between President Xi Jinping and President Trump in South Korea. China is the US’s third-largest trade partner, and many US states, including several red states that make up a significant part of Trump’s electoral base, depend heavily on China for key imports and export markets.  

This article uses 2024 trade data to identify which states are most exposed to China, highlighting where reliance is concentrated across industries and regions.

Top US states by trade with China in 2024 

California – the most populous US state and home to the Port of Los Angeles, the country’s busiest port – remains by far China’s biggest state-level trade partner. According to the International Trade Administration (ITA), in 2024, total trade between California and China reached US$137.8 billion. California was also the largest importer of Chinese goods, purchasing US$122.8 billion worth of products. Overall, the state accounted for more than 23 percent of the US’s total trade with China. 

The second-largest state by trade value in 2024 was Texas, with total two-way trade reaching US$58.3 billion, followed by Illinois with US$46.7 billion. 

Despite running an overall trade deficit with China, Texas is the largest exporter of goods to China in the US, with exports totaling about US$22.5 billion in 2024. California followed with US$15 billion in exports, and Washington ranked third at US$11.9 billion. 

Meanwhile, Illinois was the second-largest purchaser of Chinese goods after California, with total imports reaching US$42 billion, followed by Texas with US$35.8 billion. 

Although the US ran an overall trade deficit with China of US$295.5 billion in 2024, a handful of states had a trade surplus. These include Louisiana, with the largest trade surplus of any state at US$8.9 billion, followed by Oregon (US$3.2 billion), Alaska (US$1.4 billion), Washington (US$662 million), Massachusetts (US$474 million), and Alabama (US$203 million).  

California has the largest trade deficit with China of any state, reaching US$107.8 billion in 2024. 

While California accounts for the largest overall share of US trade with China, due to its large and diversified economy, it is not the most China-dependent state. In 2024, trade with China made up only 6.9 percent of California’s total foreign trade. Hawaii’s trade, by contrast, accounted for 20.4 percent of its total foreign trade. Idaho followed, with China accounting for 19.9 percent of its foreign trade, and Montana closely behind at 19.3 percent. 

Meanwhile, China-bound goods made up more than 25 percent of Alaska’s total exports in 2024, the highest share of any state. Washington came second with just over 20 percent of its exports going to China. Notably, all of the top five states with the highest export share to China ran a trade surplus in 2024. 

Finally, for imports, the most China-dependent state in 2024 was Nevada, with 26.2 percent of its imports coming from China, followed closely by California with 25 percent. 

Top-traded goods by state 

California’s trade with China is dominated by high-value technology categories. Computer and electronic products made up the largest share of the state’s two-way trade, accounting for more than 32 percent of its imports from China and over 22 percent of its exports to China in 2024. Electrical equipment, appliances, and components formed the second-largest category, representing almost 16 percent of imports and more than 18 percent of exports. Given the scale of consumer goods entering California – supported by the state’s large population – California is particularly exposed to US tariffs on Chinese exports, especially those that fall heavily on electronics and household products. 

In Texas, the structure of trade with China reflects the state’s economic makeup as a major energy producer. As in California, computer and electronic products were the largest import category, accounting for more than 25 percent of imports from China in 2024. However, oil and gas made up nearly 38 percent of all Texas exports to China, making it one of the few states that ship substantial volumes of energy products to the country. This reliance leaves Texas especially vulnerable to Chinese retaliatory tariffs. In February 2025, China imposed a 15 percent tariff on US-origin coal and LNG and a 10 percent tariff on US-origin crude oil, measures that were not removed as part of the recent trade agreements. Chemicals also featured prominently in Texas’ exports, accounting for over 22 percent of exports to China.

Illinois’ trade with China in 2024 was heavily concentrated in a few categories. More than 60 percent of the state’s imports from China were computer and electronic products, underscoring a dependence similar to that of other major US states. On the export side, agricultural goods dominated, making up over 36 percent of Illinois’ exports to China. As one of the country’s major agricultural producers, Illinois has been particularly exposed to China’s tariffs on US agricultural products and to the earlier soybean boycotts, measures that were only recently lifted as part of the US-China trade negotiations in Kuala Lumpur. 

Across the country, smaller US states tend to have far less diversified trade with China, increasing their vulnerability to both US-imposed tariffs on Chinese goods and any retaliatory actions from Beijing. A clear national pattern also emerges: in nearly every state, the primary import from China in 2024 was computer and electronic products. This reflects the broader US dependence on China for critical consumer and technology components. Although the Trump administration exempted many of these goods from the additional “reciprocal tariffs” introduced in April (initially set at 34 percent and later reduced to 10 percent through November 2026), they remain subject to the 10 percent “fentanyl tariffs” and the longstanding Section 301 tariffs that have been in place since Trump’s first term.

See also: US-China Relations in the Trump 2.0 Era: A Timeline

Uneven exposure to the US-China trade war 

Despite the recent tariff reductions, the data highlights that many states and their industries remain highly vulnerable to shifts in the bilateral relationship. Exposure is uneven and varies by economic structure, with energy-producing states such as Texas, agricultural exporters like Illinois, and technology-oriented economies such as California all particularly at risk of targeted retaliatory actions from China. For states with narrow export bases or limited diversification, even modest changes in Chinese demand or tariff schedules can have outsized consequences.

At the same time, states with large consumer bases are particularly exposed to US tariffs on Chinese goods, which remain high even after the latest breakthroughs. The overall tariff on most Chinese imports still sits at a baseline of 47 percent, a level that continues to push up costs for households across the US, but particularly in states such as California, Texas, Tennessee, and New York. With the cost of living remaining a major pressure point for both ordinary Americans and the administration, the persistence of elevated tariffs highlights the tension between strategic competition with China and the domestic economic consequences of sustaining those measures. 

These patterns underscore how deeply the US economy remains embedded in Chinese supply chains. As the US and China navigate a complex mix of rivalry and interdependence, state-level vulnerabilities will remain central to understanding how national policy choices affect different areas of the country.